Even though they believe they are beloved the world over at the same time they admit they have to lie and deceive to get anyone to talk to them.

The People and the Olive follows a group of American ultramarathon runners attempting to cover 129 miles across the occupied West Bank in five days. Rather than simply documenting the run, director Aaron Dennis uses the journey to introduce the Palestinian farmers, families and communities whose lives remain closely connected to the land and particularly to the olive tree.

As the runners travel from community to community, they learn about farming, fair trade and the economic importance of olive cultivation while participating in efforts to replace uprooted trees. The result is as much a travel and human-interest documentary as a political one, presenting Palestine through landscapes, conversations, meals, farming and ordinary encounters rather than principally through conflict.

At its centre is the olive tree itself: livelihood, inheritance, cultural marker and something planted with the expectation that somebody will still be there decades later to harvest it.

The justices questioned why soldiers were filmed playing soccer with settlers who seized the homes, and why police failed to arrest suspects identified in attack footage. 'There are questions in abundance; satisfactory answers – fewer' the court said

Israel's High Court of Justice ordered the state on Sunday to allow three Palestinian families who were expelled from their homes by settlers in the West Bank to return and to provide security for them.

In its decision on a petition filed by three residents of Jalud, the court sharply criticized the Israeli military and police for failing to prevent the settler attacks and the families' expulsion, as well as for failing to take sufficient action to bring those responsible to justice.

The petition was filed by three residents of Jalud, which lies in Area B of the West Bank, after violent settlers forced three families from their homes and entered and occupied one of the houses. Jalud, near Qusra, is one of several Palestinian villages in the Nablus area that have become a flashpoint for settler attacks over recent weeks.

Last week, an NBC News international correspondent and members of his press crew who were interviewing a Palestinian woman were attacked and injured by masked Israeli settlers in the village.

One of the families involved in the petition, the Tubasis, had been besieged for almost a month between two outposts that settlers had established on both sides of their plot of land in the village of Jalud, on the edge of Area B, which is under Israeli security control but Palestinian civil control.

After repeated settler attacks and an outpost established in their yard, the Tubasi family was finally expelled from their home in front of a Haaretz team and in the presence of Border Police officers on July 22.

Supreme Court President Isaac Amit and Justices Yechiel Kasher and Alex Stein wrote in their decision that "the bottom line, based on the material before us at the time of writing, is that the petitioners have still been unable to return to their homes. This fact speaks for itself and cannot be accepted."

The justices instructed the state to coordinate a date for the families' return, when security forces are to protect them and allow them to bring in equipment and supplies needed to repair their homes and restore their water and electricity infrastructure.

The court also issued a conditional order requiring the state to detail by September 22 what measures it is taking to arrest the settlers responsible for the attacks, prevent them from returning and harming the Palestinian residents, and pursue their prosecution.

The court noted that the state did not dispute the sequence of events described by the petitioners, according to which the harassment began in April, when settlers erected a tent on the residents' privately owned land. The Palestinians were subsequently subjected to months of incursions, threats, roadblocks, stone-throwing and damage to property and infrastructure.

According to the decision, settlers repeatedly threw stones at the petitioners' homes to intimidate the families, cut off their water line, broke and uprooted trees, grazed livestock on their private land, set fire to a vehicle belonging to one of the families and blocked the road connecting the homes to Jalud with large rocks.

The attacks effectively cut off and placed the homes under de facto siege, the court said. The families were forced to leave in July and have not returned since.

The justices also sharply criticized what they described as the failure of the IDF and police to effectively confront the settler attacks. They questioned why soldiers had been filmed playing soccer with settlers who had taken over the homes, why police had not seized vehicles documented as being used in the attacks and why people clearly identified in footage had not been arrested.

"The picture that emerges is extremely bleak," the justices wrote. "There are questions in abundance; satisfactory answers – fewer."

In addition to ordering the state to facilitate the families' return, the court demanded an update on the confiscation of vehicles, investigative measures and possible prosecutions of suspects involved in the attacks.

Attorney Ghiyath Nasser, who filed the petition on behalf of the residents, called the ruling "a courageous and important decision by the High Court" and "a significant milestone in confronting the phenomenon of settlers taking over Palestinian homes and land in the West Bank."

"The court made clear that general statements about enforcement are not enough, and that the real test is the result: whether homeowners can return to their homes safely and whether the intruders are actually removed," Nasser added.

Shortly after the High Court issued its decision, police announced that two suspects had been arrested in connection with a violent attack in the nearby village of Qusra.

Police said a search of the vehicle of one suspect, a 19-year-old resident of the West Bank, uncovered an air pistol, a knife, a pocketknife and tear gas. A second suspect, an 18-year-old resident of the Jordan Valley who was serving as an active-duty IDF soldier, was also arrested as part of the investigation.

Directed, written and narrated by Abby Martin, and produced and co-written by Mike Prysner, Gaza Fights for Freedom examines life in the Gaza Strip through the events surrounding the Great March of Return, the mass demonstrations that began along the Gaza-Israel boundary in 2018. Produced through The Empire Files, the documentary combines reporting, interviews and extensive footage filmed inside Gaza to present the demonstrations from the perspective of Palestinians taking part in them.

Much of the film centres on the people behind the casualty figures: protesters, journalists, medics, families and organisers living under blockade and participating in the demonstrations.

It documents the conditions inside Gaza, the history invoked by the demand for a right of return, and the response of Israeli forces positioned along the boundary. The filmmakers also examine the shooting of demonstrators, medical personnel and members of the press, placing individual accounts alongside footage recorded during the protests themselves.

The documentary is openly critical of Israeli policy and makes no attempt to disguise its political perspective. That is part of what makes it worth viewing as a documentary rather than simply treating it as neutral news reporting.

Martin and Prysner are making an argument, but they build that argument around extensive material filmed on the ground and the testimony of people whose experiences were often reduced internationally to statistics or short news reports.

Released in 2019, the film has since become one of the more widely viewed English-language documentaries dealing specifically with Gaza and the Great March of Return.

Content warning: contains graphic footage of shootings, serious injuries, death and the aftermath of violence.

They are not against Muslims, they are against all Palestinians Muslims, Christians or Jews.

Nationalist Palestinians talk about how they kept the keys to their homes from which they were cleansed.

Before Zionism, Jews did the opposite in the exile/diapsora: we got cleansed, we accepted it as. These homes weren't \*ours\*, because the land wasn't \*ours\*.

For Zionist Jews, this Palestinian worldview is only comprehensible when they have lands that are \*theirs\*. Otherwise, speaking as a Jew of USSR origin, there's no attachment to whatever others' land Jews are allowed to live in.

When verious oppressed peoples in Eastern and Central Europe oppressed Jews, most Jews just accepted as "it is what it is". They didn't think it was a situation of "this is our land, and these foreginers are invading." No. They didn't think these lands were theirs.

When Jews got chased off by pogroms or systemic oppressions, they held not attachment to their dwellings, because they didn't think they were theirs'.

All my family moved from the Jewish shtetls to Kiev in the 20s, and later on to outside of the USSR.

My parents became zionists after moving to Israel.

Both my father who's pro Ukraine to the degree that he thinks Ukrainians are allowed to venerate Bandera, and Mom who's extremely apologetic for Russian nationalism, think the homeland of Jews is Israel.

In Israel it's common for Jews to talk about how "this is our home", when referring to the land.

And i guess that without a land that's a homeland for Jews, a land that's \*Jews'\*, like how Palestine/Israel/Canaan is Palestinians', these Jews would just be in the mindset of "when things get bad enough, leave."

Directed and produced by Julia Bacha and Rebekah Wingert-Jabi for Just Vision, My Neighbourhood was filmed over two years in East Jerusalem and follows Mohammed El-Kurd as a Palestinian boy growing up in Sheikh Jarrah. Wingert-Jabi began filming in the neighbourhood in 2008, and the finished documentary was made by a wider production team that included Palestinian, Israeli and international filmmakers.

After Mohammed’s family is forced to surrender part of their home to Israeli settlers, he, his relatives and their neighbours become part of a campaign resisting further displacement. Rather than beginning with politicians or the wider geopolitical argument, Bacha and Wingert-Jabi stay largely at street and household level. Mohammed is still a child trying to understand why strangers are living in part of his family home while demonstrations, police and activists increasingly become part of everyday life.

The film also documents Israeli activists joining the Palestinian residents in their protests, creating relationships that complicate the usual division of the story into two opposing populations. Its wider production team included executive producer Ronit Avni, with Jessica Devaney, Irene Nasser, Rula Salameh and Vicky Wingert as co-producers. Released in 2012, My Neighbourhood went on to win a Peabody Award and remains an unusually intimate record of Sheikh Jarrah years before the neighbourhood became an international news story.

You can find out more about the production here:

https://justvision.org/myneighbourhood

Finally, someone who isn’t a servile weakling. Reject Ben Gvir, and the entire government.

Every time he comes here he’s bonkers and people get hurt, too. He came to Brooklyn and New Haven

https://www.reddit.com/r/politics/s/9yx8gxngaw

>On Tuesday, Democratic U.S. Sen. Ruben Gallego of Arizona reposted an edited version of the video, writing: "This piece of shit should never be allowed in the U.S."

>The post shared by Gallego described the video as showing "Palestinians being sent into an industrialized slaughterhouse."

>Gallego recently led dozens of fellow senators in a letter calling for targeted sanctions over Israeli settlements amid efforts to advance construction in the highly contested E1 area of the West Bank.

Directed by Palestinian actor and filmmaker Mohammad Bakri, Jenin, Jenin was filmed in the aftermath of the Israeli military operation in Jenin refugee camp in April 2002. Rather than offering a conventional narrated account, Bakri centres the film almost entirely on the testimony of Palestinian residents, allowing survivors to describe what they witnessed and experienced during and after the fighting.

The documentary became almost as notable for what happened after its release as for the film itself. It was initially banned from commercial screening in Israel, beginning years of court cases and public controversy over censorship, testimony and competing accounts of what happened in Jenin. Those disputes followed Bakri and the film for nearly two decades.

Whatever position a viewer takes on those controversies, Jenin, Jenin remains an important work of Palestinian documentary cinema. It records how the events of 2002 were remembered by people living inside the camp and provides a valuable example of Palestinian filmmakers documenting their own history while that history was still unfolding.